The Trip Wire

A couple of weeks or so ago I spoke with Professor Obika Gray, author of Demeaned but Empowered (a history of the role of the urban poor in Jamaican politics) for a newspaper interview. Although the news cycle moved on and it therefore didn’t make its way to press, the interview was and still is an interesting perspective from an insightful and important researcher.

Dudus: Trip Wire for the Jamaican Crisis

Christopher “Dudus” Coke, the man wanted by the United States for drug trafficking, whose attempted extradition from Jamaica has cost the country 73 lives, at present count, is “irrelevant”, or so says Jamaican scholar Obika Gray.

The professor of political science at the University of Wisconsin and author of multiple books about the Jamaican political system, suggests that Coke is simply a catalyst: “He is the trip wire…If he is extradited or if he’s killed it doesn’t matter in the larger scheme. He’s only the occasion for the exposing of this massive crisis in the country.”

What’s actually important is that the present situation in Jamaica has exposed what Gray calls a “bizarre system”. Since 1944, Jamaica has had elections every five years – there’s been no coup, no one party rule, no dictator. “To the outside world it looks like Jamaica is a model democracy,” says Gray, but there’s no real democracy for the urban poor.

From the first elections in Jamaica, there were “street battles between the political parties”. But in the 1950s and 1960s, Kingston became the largest and most important city in Jamaica, and controlling the capital meant controlling the country.

Gray explains: “What the political parties did was they recruited the youth gangs on either side and brought them into the political process as defenders of the political constituencies on both sides. Eventually they began arming these youth gangs on both sides and they [became] entrenched as political gangs rather than just gangs fighting for turf and territory on their own.”

Two parties, the People’s National Party (PNP) and the Jamaican Labour Party (JLP) dominate urban neighbourhoods. One of these is that of Tivoli Gardens, site of much of the recent unrest. “It’s a colony of the JLP,” describes Gray, who makes it clear that there are “similar neighbourhoods that belong to the PNP in urban Jamaica as well, and the same thing occurs there.”

But this isn’t just about power. It’s also very much about culture and what it means to be Jamaican. The country, explains Gray, “was colonized in such a way that the society oriented itself culturally as European. This was especially so for the political elite, the middle class and the business elite, and they set the tone for the consciousness and cultural outlook for the country.”

This created a clash. The elite were predominantly white or light skinned, and the black, urban poor, were, according to Gray, “seen as a group of people who were holding the country back because they were illiterate, undisciplined and didn’t subscribe to the moral codes of the dominant elite. What the political parties did was carve up districts and organize them for their own political designs.” However, within these areas, these so-called garrisons, Jamaican culture developed.

To Gray these communities are “disrespected because they are black, disadvantaged, won’t sign on to the moral values of the middle class and the political elite in the country.” But, he continues, “they’re empowered, because they’re so irrepressible and so defiant. They have been able to fight back in their own way. Everyone knows Bob Marley came from this neighbourhood and developed this independent creativity which put Jamaica on the map. Nobody knows who the Prime Minister of Jamaica is but they all know who Bob Marley is.”

And this need to be independent from a political system that doesn’t provide for the people has had clear repercussions: “From the 60s right down to the present what has happened is that the more defiant elements among the poor have developed their own forms of income, the drug trade, and they gain an opportunity to become financially independent and no longer to depend on the handouts that the politicians were giving them. The politicians no longer control the gangs. The gangs have gone off into international ventures, [enabling] them to get guns, and carve out bases of power in these same neighbourhood.”

So as early as the 1980s, “politicians no longer dictated the tune but had to follow and pay some respect to the dons or the leaders who now had access to capital and wealth because of the drug trade.”

And this brings Jamaica to the present situation. People admire Coke, because, as Gray says, “These dons become people to whom these communities look for providing all kinds of welfare that would typically come from the government. They are now the people who are regarded as the effective political authority.”

So how might Jamaica wrestle itself out of this crisis, a crisis triggered by Mr. Coke?

“Are we going to continue to have these fiefdoms controlled by drug dealers and by criminals who are affiliated with the political parties?” asks Gray. “Will the political parties rid themselves of these criminals and open up these communities so that they can freely exercise their vote and live like the rest of the country?…The people who come out to demonstrate on masse for [Coke] are victims of the system. In their own way they understand that the system is not giving them anything and so they look to this drug dealer. So any Jamaican government that emerges in the aftermath of this crisis will have the enormous challenge of breaking down all garrisons.”

The politicians are caught in a contradiction. “The system that they created is now wrecking havoc on their careers and on the country at large,” Gray concludes, “We’re going to have to find someone in either of the political parties who is large enough, visionary enough and enlightened enough to see the strategic need to end this horrible situation that has existed since the 40s and 50s. I keep thinking to myself where is the Nelson Mandela of the Jamaican polticians? And we don’t see any.”

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3 thoughts on “The Trip Wire

  1. This is interesting because ever since the breaching of Tivoli the one person i’ve been wanting to ask about all this is Obika…

    completely agree with him that Dudus ultimately is unimportant, he was the excuse it seems to mount an all out assault on gangs and organized crime in this country. Which was certainly overdue to say the least.

    The reason it won’t work for long is related to the other really crucial points Obika makes about the clash between the European-oriented elites who run Jamaica and constitute its middle class and the ghettoized urban poor whose culture is one of unremitting ‘modern blackness’ to borrow Deborah Thomas’s useful formulation.

    I myself have characterized this clash in a slightly different way as being between the English-speaking governing elites and the Patwa-speaking poor.

    Unless this profound schism is dealt a decisive body blow in the same way that organized crime is being demolished right now i don’t see any lasting change coming.

    The problem is that to achieve this kind of deep structural change there has to be a corresponding willingness on the part of the English-speakers to adjust their world-view and belief system so that the asymmetries modern Jamaica is built on are also taken apart and a healthy society can begin to develop.

    Ultimately i’m not looking for a Mandela figure or any heroic individual to solve this problem, i think that’s a very twentieth century mindset that we have to leave behind. This change has to be achieved by groups of determined people, by a different kind of politics and by deep cultural change on the part of all Jamaican citizens.

  2. Thanks for the comment. I agree with you and with Professor Gray. Though a woman/man with vision can do great work, and perhaps be another form of trip wire, even Mandela could not have been successful alone…

  3. Excellent interview.

    At the outset Mr. Gray points out something that I’ve been pointing out for years now, and especially as it applies to Jamaica: elections do not a democracy work. Yes we have them every 5 years but are they really free & fair? And does having them really mean that we’re a democratic nation? I don’t think so. We’ve simply been limping along for years now and now Cokegate has cut us off at the knees.

    One aspect that’s not mentioned in this article is that the majority black, poor population is woefully uneducated. Of course I don’t simply mean a matter of being able to read and write or “book learning,” but rather an ability to think critically and make choices well. That’s something that I think develops over the course of one’s schooling, separate from Chemistry or Accounts rules. Too many Jamaicans are missing that, and I think deliberately so. The reasons as to why this is are many and I won’t get into them here, but suffice to say an uneducated population is easily manipulated. It is how we have managed to have these large masses sell their votes for curry goat and beer – literally. Jamaica’s education system needs a complete overhaul – from teacher training and education to, once again, demanding and getting support from what family units now exist in Jamaica. I am really aghast that in the mere 12 years since I’ve left high school in Jamaica things have gotten so bad, even though looking back I now see that the crumbling began even while I was in school.

    Coke is the catalyst but I am scarily unsure of where Jamaica goes from here. I think it is necessary for Jamaicans – especially those who live in garrison or gang-run communities – to learn a respect for law and order, and not from their local area leaders or via intimidation, fear, an extra-judicial killings by the security forces. The latter, especially, only breeds another generation of shottas willing to avenge their ancestors’ deaths.

    Unfortunately, I’m not convinced that the political will exists to finish this job and move forward in a systematic and well-thought out manner. And frankly, many in Gordon House should simply leave because they have been either architects or supporters of the current system. This move may be critical for younger generations, who know our history and know how the runnings guh, to have any faith in our political system. And it is folks my age (30s – 40s) who will have to take charge of Jamaica. The old guard has lost much respect and shouldn’t/cannot lead for much longer.

    Ironic, isn’t it, that the founder of the Shower Posse, Vivian Blake, got a scholarship to attend the prestigious St. George’s yet apparently say he “big cars” picking up his classmates as a reminder that he couldn’t get to their parents’ level of wealth and so decided to carve out his own path via illegal means. Add to that the purported math genius of Chris Coke, and his business savvy and we have two of the most powerful men Jamaica has ever seen. WHAT would/could have happened had they found access to the established system?

    So much to do, where to begin?

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